Sunday 24 June 1666

Sunday. Midsummer Day. Up, but, being weary the last night, not so soon as I intended. Then being dressed, down by water to Deptford, and there did a great deale of business, being in a mighty hurry, Sir W. Coventry writing to me that there was some thoughts that the Dutch fleete were out or coming out. Business being done in providing for the carrying down of some provisions to the fleete, I away back home and after dinner by water to White Hall, and there waited till the councill rose, in the boarded gallery.

And there among other things I hear that Sir Francis Prujean is dead, after being married to a widow about a yeare or thereabouts. He died very rich, and had, for the last yeare, lived very handsomely, his lady bringing him to it. He was no great painstaker in person, yet died very rich; and, as Dr. Clerke says, was of a very great judgment, but hath writ nothing to leave his name to posterity.

In the gallery among others met with Major Halsey, a great creature of the Duke of Albemarle’s; who tells me that the Duke, by name, hath said that he expected to have the worke here up in the River done, having left Sir W. Batten and Mr. Phipps there.

He says that the Duke of Albemarle do say that this is a victory we have had, having, as he was sure, killed them 8000 men, and sunk about fourteen of their ships; but nothing like this appears true. He lays much of the little success we had, however, upon the fleete’s being divided by order from above, and the want of spirit in the commanders; and that he was commanded by order to go out of the Downes to the Gun-fleete, and in the way meeting the Dutch fleete, what should he do? should he not fight them? especially having beat them heretofore at as great disadvantage.

He tells me further, that having been downe with the Duke of Albemarle, he finds that Holmes and Spragge do govern most business of the Navy; and by others I understand that Sir Thomas Allen is offended thereat; that he is not so much advised with as he ought to be. He tells me also, as he says, of his own knowledge, that several people before the Duke went out did offer to supply the King with 100,000l. provided he would be treasurer of it, to see it laid out for the Navy; which he refused, and so it died. But I believe none of this.

This day I saw my Lady Falmouth, with whom I remember now I have dined at my Lord Barkeley’s heretofore, a pretty woman: she was now in her second or third mourning, and pretty pleasant in her looks.

By and by the Council rises, and Sir W. Coventry comes out; and he and I went aside, and discoursed of much business of the Navy; and afterwards took his coach, and to Hide-Parke, he and I alone: there we had much talke. First, he started a discourse of a talke he hears about the towne, which, says he, is a very bad one, and fit to be suppressed, if we knew how which is, the comparing of the successe of the last year with that of this; saying that that was good, and that bad. I was as sparing in speaking as I could, being jealous of him and myself also, but wished it could be stopped; but said I doubted it could not otherwise than by the fleete’s being abroad again, and so finding other worke for men’s minds and discourse. Then to discourse of himself, saying, that he heard that he was under the lash of people’s discourse about the Prince’s not having notice of the Dutch being out, and for him to comeback again, nor the Duke of Albemarle notice that the Prince was sent for back again: to which he told me very particularly how careful he was the very same night that it was resolved to send for the Prince back, to cause orders to be writ, and waked the Duke, who was then in bed, to sign them; and that they went by expresse that very night, being the Wednesday night before the fight, which begun on the Friday; and that for sending them by the post expresse, and not by gentlemen on purpose, he made a sport of it, and said, I knew of none to send it with, but would at least have lost more time in fitting themselves out, than any diligence of theirs beyond that of the ordinary post would have recovered.

I told him that this was not so much the towne talke as the reason of dividing the fleete. To this he told me he ought not to say much; but did assure me in general that the proposition did first come from the fleete, and the resolution not being prosecuted with orders so soon as the Generall thought fit, the Generall did send Sir Edward Spragge up on purpose for them; and that there was nothing in the whole business which was not done with the full consent and advice of the Duke of Albemarle. But he did adde (as the Catholiques call ‘le secret de la Masse’), that Sir Edward Spragge — who had even in Sir Christopher Mings’s time put in to be the great favourite of the Prince, but much more now had a mind to be the great man with him, and to that end had a mind to have the Prince at a distance from the Duke of Albemarle, that they might be doing something alone — did, as he believed, put on this business of dividing the fleete, and that thence it came.1.

He tells me as to the business of intelligence, the want whereof the world did complain much of, that for that it was not his business, and as he was therefore to have no share in the blame, so he would not meddle to lay it any where else.

That de Ruyter was ordered by the States not to make it his business to come into much danger, but to preserve himself as much as was fit out of harm’s way, to be able to direct the fleete.

He do, I perceive, with some violence, forbear saying any thing to the reproach of the Duke of Albemarle; but, contrarily, speaks much of his courage; but I do as plainly see that he do not like the Duke of Albemarle’s proceedings, but, contrarily, is displeased therewith. And he do plainly diminish the commanders put in by the Duke, and do lessen the miscarriages of any that have been removed by him.

He concurs with me, that the next bout will be a fatal one to one side or other, because, if we be beaten, we shall not be able to set out our fleete again.

He do confess with me that the hearts of our seamen are much saddened; and for that reason, among others, wishes Sir Christopher Mings was alive, who might inspire courage and spirit into them.

Speaking of Holmes, how great a man he is, and that he do for the present, and hath done all the voyage, kept himself in good order and within bounds; but, says he, a cat will be a cat still, and some time or other out his humour must break again.

He do not disowne but that the dividing of the fleete upon the presumptions that were then had (which, I suppose, was the French fleete being come this way), was a good resolution.

Having had all this discourse, he and I back to White Hall; and there I left him, being [in] a little doubt whether I had behaved myself in my discourse with the policy and circumspection which ought to be used to so great a courtier as he is, and so wise and factious a man, and by water home, and so, after supper, to bed.

20 Annotations

First Reading

cgs  •  Link


OED

painstaker, n
[< the plural of PAIN n.1 + TAKER n., after PAINSTAKING n. Compare earlier PAIN TAKER n.]

A person who takes pains; a painstaking person.
1595...
1666 S. PEPYS Diary 24 June (1974) VII. 177 He was no great painstaker in person. ...
2001 Sunday Tel. (Nexis) 3 June 3 He is an oddly punctilious man. A painstaker over everything

Pain
[< Anglo-Norman peine, paine, paigne, peigne, penne, pain, pein, peyene and Old French, Middle French peine, paine, peinne, pene physical or bodily suffering (second half of the 10th cent. in plural as poenas, penas), trouble taken in accomplishing something, effort (c1050), mental suffering (c1100), difficulty (early 12th cent.), punishment or suffering thought to be endured by souls in hell (early 12th cent.), legal punishment (c1165) < classical Latin poena penalty, punishment (see POENA n.). Compare Old Occitan, Occitan pena (c1090), Catalan pena (c1200), Spanish pena (938), Italian pena (1151). Compare earlier PINE n.1
With on (also under, upon) pain of (see sense 1b) compare Old French sur peine de (c1300), Middle French, French a peine de (c1340), sous peine de (1541). With to take pains (see sense 5b) compare Middle French prendre la peine (de) (1461-9). With for one's pains (see sense 5c) compare Middle French pour ma peine (1461-9).]

1. a. Punishment; penalty; suffering or loss inflicted for a crime or offence; (sometimes) spec. a fine, a tax. Also in extended use.
After 17th cent. only in pains and penalties (chiefly Law); see also sense 1b..

GrahamT  •  Link

Sir Francis Prujean:
"...hath writ nothing to leave his name to posterity"
but you have done it for him, my dear Pepys.

A. Hamilton  •  Link

"so wise and factious a man"

I think this entry gives us a clear example of Pepys's excellent ability to analyse a discourse for its underlying drift as well as a balanced appreciation of the strength of Coventry's mind and the dangers of his politics. He has seen Coventry run down Sandwich and now undermine Albemarle, going like a shark to where there is blood in court waters.

Robert Gertz  •  Link

Heaven...(perhaps)

"Sir?"

"Mr. Samuel Pepys, formerly of London, England? I am Mort Snerd and I represent the estate of the late Sir Francis Prujean..."

Wim van der Meij  •  Link

A wonderful and long entry. Sam is showing here that he has developed into a fine writer.

Todd Bernhardt  •  Link

"but hath writ nothing to leave his name to posterity"

I think we see here (and in Sam's previous musings on the deaths of those around him) the reason why he decided to leave his Diary and the key to it in his library. Tomalin, in her excellent biography of him, theorizes that he re-read the Diary toward the end of his life, and also talks about his disappointment in not being able to write the history of the Navy that his friend Evelyn encouraged him to. Surely Sam realized, as he re-read what (I truly believe) was a private journal, the scale and scope of this historic document, and how it might be the thing that enabled his name to live on in posterity...

Terry Foreman  •  Link

"He tells me as to the business of intelligence, the want whereof the world did complain much of, that for that it was not his business"

L&M note it was Arlington's responsibility as Secretary of State.

Second Reading

Terry Foreman  •  Link

"He says that the Duke of Albemarle do say that this is a victory we have had, having, as he was sure, killed them 8000 men, and sunk about fourteen of their ships; but nothing like this appears true."

L&M: Modern estimates are 2,000 killed and 4 ships sunk: Clowes, ii, 276; Allin, vol. ii, p. xxvi.

Terry Foreman  •  Link

"To this he told me he ought not to say much; but did assure me in general that the proposition did first come from the fleete, and the resolution not being prosecuted with orders so soon as the Generall thought fit, the Generall did send Sir Edward Spragge up on purpose for them; and that there was nothing in the whole business which was not done with the full consent and advice of the Duke of Albemarle."

Coventry repeated this version of the events to the Commons in the debates of October 1667 and 17 February 1668. Pepys's account here is fuller than those of the Parliamentary diarists who reported the debates. The fleet had divided on receiving the (false) news that a French force was approachng from the west. This information had been sent from the government to Albemarle and Rupert at the Nore on 13 May, and they had agreed on the 14th to detach a squadron under Rupert to meet the French. Spragge was sent back to Whitehall for the official orders, but it was not until the 24th that Coventry was able to give them to him. (The choice of the ships which were to sail under Rupert was not made until the 22nd, and for reasons of secrecy Coventry had written out all the documents in his own hand.) Albemarle had agreed not only to the division of the fleet but also to the size of Rupert's squadron. He had however received none of the extra ships he had asked for as soon as the division was decided on. (Per L&M footnote)

Terry Foreman  •  Link

"He tells me as to the business of intelligence, the want whereof the world did complain much of, that for that it was not his business"

The responsibility rested primarily on Arlington as Secretary of State. (L&M)

Terry Foreman  •  Link

"some thoughts that the Dutch fleete were out or coming out. "

They were out by the 26th. (Per L&M note)

Terry Foreman  •  Link

"had a mind to have the Prince at a distance from the Duke of Albemarle, that they might be that they might be doing something alone — did, as he believed, put on this business of dividing the fleete, and that thence it came. "

L&M: The news that the Dutch had come out was known to Albemarle two days before Rupert and his squadron left him on 29 May.

Terry Foreman  •  Link

"I...being [in] a little doubt whether I had behaved myself in my discourse with the policy and circumspection which ought to be used to so great a courtier as he is, and so wise and factious a man"

L&M: The reference here is to the anti-Sandwich faction.

San Diego Sarah  •  Link

Sir Francis Prujean MD was married twice:
first to Margaret Leggatt (died 1661),
and secondly, on 13 February 1664, to Margaret, the widow of Sir Thomas Fleming, and daughter of Edward Gorges, 1st Baron Gorges of Dundalk.

Samuel Pepys records that his second wife brought him a great fortune. By his first wife he had an only son, Thomas Prujean, who graduated M.D. at Cambridge in 1649.

For more see https://wikivisually.com/wiki/Fra…

Tonyel  •  Link

"I was as sparing in speaking as I could, being jealous of him and myself also, but wished it could be stopped; but said I doubted it could not otherwise than by the fleete’s being abroad again, and so finding other worke for men’s minds and discourse."
Can anyone explain the meaning of 'jealous' in this context? It only seems to make sense to me if you substitute 'cautious' or 'nervous'.
The whole episode sounds as though Coventry is rehearsing his defence arguments and using Sam as a sounding board.

Terry Foreman  •  Link

The L&M Large Glossary suggests "fearful, suspicious, mistrustful" for "jealous" in this entry.

Gerald Berg  •  Link

That doesn't quite fit with being jealous of himself, Terry. At least I don't think.

I thought in the context jealous might mean careful. As in: careful with him and careful with myself (about the words being spoke(him) and unspoken(Pepys)).

Talk about being Albemarles's man!

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