Friday 29 May 1668
Betimes up, and up to my Tangier accounts, and then by water to the Council Chamber, and there received some directions from the Duke of York and the Committee of the Navy there about casting up the charge of the present summer’s fleete, that so they may come within the bounds of the sum given by the Parliament. But it is pretty to see how Prince Rupert and other mad, silly people, are for setting out but a little fleete, there being no occasion for it; and say it will be best to save the money for better uses. But Sir W. Coventry did declare that, in wisdom, it was better to do so; but that, in obedience to the Parliament, he was [for] setting out the fifty sail talked on, though it spent all the money, and to little purpose; and that this was better than to leave it to the Parliament to make bad construction of their thrift, if any trouble should happen. Thus wary the world is grown!
Thence back again presently home, and did business till noon: and then to Sir G. Carteret’s to dinner, with much good company, it being the King’s birthday, and many healths drunk: and here I did receive another letter from my Lord Sandwich, which troubles me to see how I have neglected him, in not writing, or but once, all this time of his being abroad; and I see he takes notice, but yet gently, of it, that it puts me to great trouble, and I know not how to get out of it, having no good excuse, and too late now to mend, he being coming home. Thence home, whither, by agreement, by and by comes Mercer and Gayet, and two gentlemen with them, Mr. Monteith and Pelham, the former a swaggering young handsome gentleman, the latter a sober citizen merchant. Both sing, but the latter with great skill — the other, no skill, but a good voice, and a good basse, but used to sing only tavern tunes; and so I spent all this evening till eleven at night singing with them, till I was tired of them, because of the swaggering fellow with the base, though the girl Mercer did mightily commend him before to me. This night je had agreed par’ alter at Deptford, there par’ avoir lain con the moher de Bagwell, but this company did hinder me.
21 Annotations
First Reading
Terry Foreman • Link
"the sum given by the Parliament."
http://www.pepysdiary.com/diary/1…
Terry Foreman • Link
"which troubles me to see how I have neglected him, in not writing, or but once"
"I fell to write my letter to my Lord Sandwich" http://www.pepysdiary.com/diary/1…
Mary • Link
"but this company did hinder me."
I wonder which of the two, Sam or Mrs.B, was the more disappointed.
ONeville • Link
Does anyone know whether Mercer ever married? She certainly seems to have many accomplishments and is very popular (in the nicest possible way).
Mary • Link
Mary Mercer.
L&M offers no information on this question, nor does Claire Tomalin.
Carl in Boston • Link
this was better than to leave it to the Parliament to make bad construction of their thrift
Spend everything in the budget. Sound advice, still followed.
language hat • Link
"This night je had agreed par’ alter at Deptford, there par’ avoir lain con the moher de Bagwell"
In other words, "This night I had agreed to stop at Deptford, there to have lain with Bagwell's wife."
Mary • Link
The L&M version reads -
"This night yo had agreed para ander at Deptford, there para haber lain con the moher de Bagwell ...."
- which comes to the same thing, though I wonder why dog-French was substituted for dog-Spanish in the Wheatley edition.
Robert Gertz • Link
So music really doth hath charms to still the savage beast, eh Sam?
language hat • Link
Mary: That's very interesting; I had originally assumed "alter" was a mistake for "aller," but then I realized "go at" didn't make sense, and it occurred to me that "(h)alter" = "stop" made perfect sense. I wonder if L&M didn't think of that, and emended it to another word meaning "go," even though it doesn't make sense with "at"?
Mary • Link
LH
I agree that the 'at' comes very awkwardly after 'ander' and wonder whether the answer may not lie in interpretation of the shorthand.
martinb • Link
Surely what Pepys wrote, or wrote shorthand for, was "andar at Deptford", i.e. walk at D? It seems to me that this is not the only instance where transcribers' apparent lack of familiarity with the Spanish language has led to misunderstandings or misrepresentations and, indeed, made Pepys seem to be less comfortable in that language than he probably was.
language hat • Link
Why "surely"? It doesn't seem to me any more likely than the other suggestions; less, in fact, since "walk at Deptford" doesn't really make sense in context. I continue to think "(h)alter" is what he intended. "Stop at" is perfectly idiomatic English for the period and makes sense in context.
Terry Foreman • Link
FWIW, L&M transcribe "This night yo had agreed para andar at Deptford."
There is no instance in the Diary of SP writing in English "walk at [ place x ]," but, by the same token, is there any certain case in which Pepys used dog-German?
'tis a perplexity!
language hat • Link
"is there any certain case in which Pepys used dog-German?"
I wasn't thinking of it as dog-German but as a verbalized form of French halte 'halt' (noun); faire halte is 'to make a stop,' which would fit well here. But on reflection, I guess that's not really much more likely than the other suggestions. Be less obscure, Sam!
pepfie • Link
“is there any certain case in which Pepys used dog-German?”
Why yes, bien sûr, dos veces, (not dog-, but absolutely perfect German that is): the first time a week ago "and so to Mrs. Martin’s, and there did hazer cet que je voudrai *mit* her" http://www.pepysdiary.com/diary/1… and (spoiler) he'll do it again soon according to the Project Gutenberg text. Our polyglot knows his prepositions.
BTW, Germans wouldn't drop aitches, would they? That's a French or Cockney thing, I think.
Second Reading
Terry Foreman • Link
"...if any trouble should happen. Thus wary the world is grown!"
L&M: Sc. since the Chatham disaster of the previous summer.
San Diego Sarah • Link
May 29. 1668
Lynn.
Edw. Bodham to Williamson.
This day, being the anniversary of his Majesty's birth and restitution, is kept with great solemnity.
The mayor, aldermen, and common council met at 9 o'clock at the Guild, in their formalities, and proceeded to the great church;
after service the aldermen and common council were nobly treated by the mayor at his house, and the day will be concluded with many rare inventions of fireworks.
Fourteen laden colliers have arrived which is some recruit to the country hereabouts;
there were few coals, the colliers being afraid to come, by reason of the Kitchen hoy being at Lynn to press men.
[S.P. Dom., Car. II. 240, No. 164]
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May 29. 1668
Yarmouth.
Rich. Bower to Williamson.
The Kitchen has come into the Road from Lynn, with some pressed men;
80 sail of laden colliers have passed to the southward.
The Success, Drake, and Kitchen's boats as they passed rowed from ship to ship to press men.
[S.P. Dom., Car. II. 240, No. 165.]
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May 29. 1668
Reserve Frigate,
Hope.
Capt. Chris. Gunman to the Navy Commissioners.
Sends a second account of tickets belonging to men on board.
Mr. Wren tells him not to sail until they are paid; stays for nothing else.
The ship is 23 months in arrear, which his Royal Highness has promised shall be paid in part, if not the whole.
[S.P. Dom., Car. II. 240, No. 166.]
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May 29. 1668
Dover.
Thos. White to the Navy Commissioners.
Has shipped the remainder of the stores here in the John ketch, and sends bill of lading.
Has agreed for 8/. 5s. freight, and desires they will order speedy payment.
Asks them to help him to the arrears due to the port, now that he has delivered up all, that he may stop the mouths of some poor men in extraordinary need.
[S.P. Dom., Car. II. 240, No. 167.]
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May 29. 1668
St. James's
M. Wren to the Navy Commissioners.
I desired you a good while ago to let me know when the ships in the West Indies, that I might send orders with them for their return home.
I remind your again thereof.
You have not yet given your opinion which of the fifth and sixth rate ships will be most proper to send to Sally, according to the order of Council.
[S.P. Dom., Car. II. 240, No. 168.]
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[May 29.] 1668
Patent appointing George Duke of Buckingham to the Mastership of the Horse,
void by resignation of George Duke of Albemarle;
fee 100 marks a year and fees.
[Copy, Latin, 3 pages. S.P. Dom., Car. II. 240, No. 160.]
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May 29. 1668
Warrant to the Lord Steward and Board of Greencloth
to swear in George, Duke of Buckingham,
appointed Master of the Horse on resignation of George Duke of Albemarle.
[S.P. Dom., Entry Book 30, f. 34.]
For more, see 'Charles II: May 1668', in Calendar of State Papers Domestic: Charles II, 1667-8 (London, 1893), pp. 369-418 http://www.british-history.ac.uk/….
San Diego Sarah • Link
Why, Charles? You know George Villiers has been a traitor to you personally, and he is a murderer. If you'd had his head last year, a whole lot of hurt might have been avoided in the years to come. You don't need him around 24/7.
Buckingham must have been a lot of fun; that's the only possible answer. Unless he was blackmailing Charles. But he didn't know all of Charles' secrets. Charles was good at "stovepiping" information.
San Diego Sarah • Link
Special Envoy Henri de Massue, Marquis de Ruvigny continued to hold communications with the English Court during 1667 and 1668.
In 1668, Claud Roux, Sieur de Marcilli, went to the Protestant courts of Europe, detailing all the injustice done to the Protestants of France, and declaring that Louis XIV had vowed the ruin of the Huguenots.
Unfortunately for Claud Roux, Sieur de Marcilli and Special Envoy de Ruvigny, Marcilli’s visit to the Court of St. James was during the Marquis’ embassy in England.
Marcilli made a great impression on Charles II and on many Members of Parliament, and was allowed to leave England without molestation.
Special Envoy de Ruvigny obtained all these particulars in England,[13] as well as information that Marcilli had gone to Switzerland.
13. According to a pamphlet printed at London in 1680, “Monsieur Rohux” had the imprudence to solicit the Duke of York to take him to Charles II. The Duke agreed, but secretly “caused Ruvegny to stand behind the hangings at St. James’s,” so that he might hear “this innocent gentleman discourse over the whole business,” quite unaware that he was speaking in the hearing of the French Ambassador. (The pamphlet is entitled “A Letter to a Person of Honour concerning the King disavowing the having been married to the D. of M.’s mother.”)
As an accredited servant of France, Henri de Massue, Marquis de Ruvigny sent home this intelligence, which led to the unfortunate Claud Roux, Sieur de Marcilli’s apprehension and execution in 1669.
What can be said in de Ruvigny’s defence amounts to this:
(1) that de Ruvigny did not believe that Louis XIV had made any sanguinary vow; he afterwards told Bishop Gilbert Burnet, “I was long deceived as to his feelings towards the Protestants, knowing he was not of a sanguinary disposition naturally, and knowing well how grossly ignorant he was on religious questions.”
(2) Technically Marcilli was guilty of treachery; “ce scelcrat” Ruvigny called him. (Despatch, dated 29 May, 1668.)
In that age unauthorized communications with foreign potentates were regarded as more lawless and dangerous than they are now.
(3) Marcilli’s schemes included both civil war and a plot against the life of Louis XIV.
San Diego Sarah • Link
PART 2:
In connection with the first of these excuses, de Ruvigny at this date did not despair of the French Protestants obtaining the lasting protection of Louis XIV.
Ruvigny was in the habit of warning the king that the furious and blind zeal of his confessor and of the provincial magistrates would drive out of him the generosity and equity which were natural to him.
The odium of frequent oppressions and persecutions was always imputed to Roman Catholic priests and bigoted advisers, and not to the king himself, who was believed to be tolerant and humane.
Religion was not a subject of which the monarch had any accurate knowledge, or for which he had any enthusiastic predilection; and the feuds of the Jesuits and Jansenists within the pale of the Roman Catholic Church were fitted to weaken his attachment to that body, and also to contradict the theory that there would be peace and unanimity if there were no Huguenot party in the kingdom.
The Protestant people commended themselves to Louis XIV by their honesty, industry, and talents.
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