"I to the Tower to speak with Sir John Robinson about business, principally the bad condition of the pressed men for want of clothes, so it is represented from the fleete, and so to provide them shirts and stockings and drawers."
Why did Pepys go to the Keeper of the Tower of London to get clothing for the impressed seamen? According to the Wikipedia entry in our Encyclopedia, Robinson had been a member of, and Master of, the Honorable Company of the Clothworkers in 1656.
Pepys may have described Robinson as one of the ‘fools’ about the Duke of York, and Robinson was probably ‘not so wise as King Solomon’, but his achievements were none the less genuine, and he was a wealthy Royalist who knew how to raise money and get things done.
An account of the aldermen of London prepared for Charles II described him as, "most industrious in the civil government of the City, watchful to prevent anything that might reflect any prejudice or dishonour upon the King’s Government, happy in dispatch of business, to the great contentment of the people."
Since Pepys had no money, needed clothing delivered in a hurry (the ordering of which was probably outside the purview of either of his official positions), then Robinson was a good person to talk it over with. Pepys has authorized payment for "slops" before -- but in this case he has no official requests from pursers with sizes and quantities attached by the sound of it.
For Pepys Diary purposes, it should be noted the Dutch abandoned the place in 1663 ... but for that century, the Dutch ruled the whale trade, supplying most of Europe with oil for lamps and whale bones for corsets and hoop-skirts. The Dutch navy safeguarded sailing routes against English, German, and French interlopers as Dutch whalers asserted exclusive rights to the best hunting grounds in the Arctic. The resulting near-monopoly allowed Dutch companies to keep prices artificially high and further gild their coffers.
The legacy of this Dutch Golden Age is recorded in maritime words like “maelstrom”, “skipper”, “cruise”, “iceberg” and “walrus”.
Of course, the Dutch had a monopoly on the market! In 1619 they had opened a summer camp which finally grew to about 15 buildings and 200 people just outside the arctic circle, and there they rendered the whales so the blubber could be sent back to the Netherlands for distribution.
The whales must have caught on, so by the 1640's they had changed their swimming habits and stayed out to sea.
In 1601, by statute 43 Eliza. I, c. 12, the first insurance commissioners in England were established “to hear and determine policies of assurance made among merchants.”
In 1601, by statute 43 Eliza. I, c. 12, the first insurance commissioners in England were established “to hear and determine policies of assurance made among merchants.”
The Dutch government, averse to expense, unmilitary in its tone, and incautious from long and easy victory over the degenerate navy of Spain, had allowed its fleet to sink into a mere assembly of armed merchant-men.
Things were at their worst in the days of Cromwell.
Taught by the severe lessons of that war, the United Provinces, under an able ruler, had done much to mend matters, but full efficiency had not yet been gained.
"In 1666 as in 1653," says a French naval writer, "the fortune of war seemed to lean to the side of the English. Of the three great battles fought two were decided victories; and the third, although adverse, had but increased the glory of her seamen. This was due to the intelligent boldness of Monck and Rupert, the talents of part of the admirals and captains, and the skill of the seamen and soldiers under them. The wise and vigorous efforts made by the government of the United Provinces, and the undeniable superiority of De Ruyter in experience and genius over any one of his opponents, could not compensate for the weakness or incapacity of part of the Dutch officers, and the manifest inferiority of the men under their orders."
England, as has been said before, still felt the impress of Cromwell's iron hand upon her military institutions; but that impress was growing weaker.
Before the third Anglo-Dutch war, Monck was dead, and was poorly replaced by the cavalier Rupert. Court extravagance cut down the equipment of the navy as did the burgomaster's parsimony, and court corruption undermined discipline as surely as commercial indifference.
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There's so much more ... I recommend you read it for yourself.
"Thus in less than no time we found ourselves in the midst of the English; who, being attacked on both sides, were thrown into confusion and saw their whole order destroyed, as well by dint of the action, as by the strong wind that was then blowing. This was the hottest of the fight. We saw the high admiral of England separated from his fleet, followed only by one fire-ship. With that he gained to windward, and passing through the North Holland squadron, placed himself again at the head of 15 or 20 ships that rallied to him."
Thus ended this great sea-fight, the most remarkable, in some of its aspects, that has ever been fought upon the ocean.
Amid conflicting reports it is not possible to do more than estimate the results. A fairly impartial account says: "The States lost in these actions three vice-admirals, 2,000 men, and four ships. The loss of the English was 5,000 killed and 3,000 prisoners; and they lost besides 17 ships, of which nine remained in the hands of the victors."
There is no doubt that the English had much the worst of it, and that this was owing wholly to the original blunder of weakening the fleet by a great detachment sent in another direction.
Great detachments are sometimes necessary evils, but in this case no necessity existed. Granting the approach of the French, the proper course for the English was to fall with their whole fleet upon the Dutch before their allies could come up. This lesson is as applicable today as it ever was.
A second lesson, likewise of present application, is the necessity of sound military institutions for implanting correct military feeling, pride, and discipline. Great as was the first blunder of the English, and serious as was the disaster, there can be no doubt that the consequences would have been much worse but for the high spirit and skill with which the plans of Monck were carried out by his subordinates, and the lack of similar support to De Ruyter on the part of the Dutch subalterns.
In the movements of the English, we hear nothing of two juniors turning tail at a critical moment, nor of a third, with misdirected ardor, getting on the wrong side of the enemy's fleet. Their drill also, their tactical precision, was remarked even then.
The Frenchman De Guiche, after witnessing this Four Days' Fight, wrote:
"Nothing equals the beautiful order of the English at sea. Never was a line drawn straighter than that formed by their ships; thus they bring all their fire to bear upon those who draw near them. ... They fight like a line of cavalry which is handled according to rule, and applies itself solely to force back those who oppose; whereas the Dutch advance like cavalry whose squadrons leave their ranks and come separately to the charge."
The third day Monck continued retreating to the westward. He burned, by the English accounts, three disabled ships, sent ahead those that were most crippled, and brought up the rear himself with those that were in fighting condition, which are variously stated, again by the English, at 28 and 16 in number (June 13).
One of the largest and finest of the English fleet, the "Royal Prince," of 90 guns, ran aground on the Galloper Shoal and was taken by Tromp; but Monck's retreat was so steady and orderly that he was otherwise unmolested. This shows that the Dutch had suffered severely.
Toward evening Rupert's squadron was seen; and all the ships of the English fleet, except those crippled in action, were at last united.
The next day the wind came out again very fresh from the southwest, giving the Dutch the weather-gage. The English, instead of attempting to pass upon opposite tacks, came up from astern relying upon the speed and handiness of their ships.
So doing, the battle engaged all along the line on the port tack, the English to leeward.
The Dutch fire-ships were badly handled and did no harm, whereas the English burned two of their enemies.
The two fleets ran on thus, exchanging broadsides for two hours, at the end of which time the bulk of the English fleet had passed through the Dutch line.
All regularity of order was henceforward lost. "At this moment," says the eye-witness, "the lookout was extraordinary, for all were separated, the English as well as we. But luck would have it that the largest of our fractions surrounding the admiral remained to windward, and the largest fraction of the English, also with their admiral, remained to leeward. This was the cause of our victory and their ruin.
Our admiral had with him 35 or 40 ships of his own and of other squadrons, for the squadrons were scattered and order much lost.
The rest of the Dutch ships had left him. The leader of the van, Van Ness, had gone off with 14 ships in chase of three or four English ships, which under a press of sail had gained to windward of the Dutch van.
Van Tromp with the rear squadron had fallen to leeward, and so had to keep on [to leeward of De Ruyter and the English main body] after Van Ness, in order to rejoin the admiral by passing round the English centre."
De Ruyter and the English main body kept up a sharp action, beating to windward all the time.
Van Tromp, having carried sail, overtook Van Ness, and returned bringing the van back with him; but owing to the constant plying to windward of the English main body he came up to leeward of it and could not rejoin De Ruyter, who was to windward.
De Ruyter, seeing this, made signal to the ships around him, and the main body of the Dutch kept away before the wind, which was then very strong.
Both the action of Tromp and that of the junior flag-officers in the van, although showing different degrees of warlike ardor, bring out strongly the lack of subordination and of military feeling which has been charged against the Dutch officers as a body; no signs of which appear among the English at this time.
How keenly De Ruyter felt the conduct of his lieutenants was manifested when "Tromp, immediately after this partial action, went on board his flagship. The seamen cheered him; but De Ruyter said, 'This is no time for rejoicing, but rather for tears.'
“Indeed, our position was bad, each squadron acting differently, in no line, and all the ships huddled together like a flock of sheep, so packed that the English might have surrounded all of them with their 40 ships.
“The English were in admirable order, but did not push their advantage as they should, whatever the reason."
The reason no doubt was the same that often prevented sailing-ships from pressing an advantage -- disability from crippled spars and rigging, added to the inexpediency of such inferior numbers risking a decisive action.
De Ruyter was thus able to draw his fleet out into line again, although much maltreated by the English, and the two fleets passed again on opposite tacks, the Dutch to leeward, and De Ruyter's ship the last in his column.
As he passed the English rear, De Ruyter lost his maintopmast and mainyard. After another partial rencounter the English drew away to the northwest toward their own shores, the Dutch following them; the wind being still from southwest, but light.
The English were now fairly in retreat, and the pursuit continued all night, De Ruyter's own ship dropping out of sight in the rear from her crippled state.
The eye-witness goes on: "The affair continued until ten P.M., friends and foes mixed together and as likely to receive injury from one as from the other. It will be remarked that the success of the day and the misfortunes of the English came from their being too much scattered, too extended in their line; but for which we could never have cut off a corner of them, as we did.
“The mistake of Monck was in not keeping his ships better together;" that is, closed up. The remark is just, the criticism scarcely so; the opening out of the line was almost unavoidable in so long a column of sailing-ships, and was one of the chances taken by Monck when he offered battle.
The English stood off on the port tack to the west or west-northwest, and next day returned to the fight. The Dutch were now on the port tack in natural order, the right leading, and were to windward; but the enemy, being more weatherly and better disciplined, soon gained the advantage of the wind.
The English this day had 44 ships in action, the Dutch about 80; many of the English, as before said, larger. The two fleets passed on opposite tacks, the English to windward; but Tromp, in the rear, seeing that the Dutch order of battle was badly formed, the ships in two or three lines, overlapping and so masking each other's fire, went about and gained to windward of the enemy's van; which he was able to do from the length of the line, and because the English, running parallel to the Dutch order, were off the wind.
"At this moment two flag-officers of the Dutch van kept broad off, presenting their sterns to the English. De Ruyter, greatly astonished, tried to stop them, but in vain, and therefore felt obliged to imitate the maneuver in order to keep his squadron together; but he did so with some order, keeping some ships around him, and was joined by one of the van ships, disgusted with the conduct of his immediate superior.
Tromp was now in great danger, separated [by his own act first and then by the conduct of the van] from his own fleet by the English, and would have been destroyed but for De Ruyter, who, seeing the urgency of the case, hauled up for him," the van and center thus standing back for the rear on the opposite tack to that on which they entered action.
This prevented the English from keeping up the attack on Tromp, lest De Ruyter should gain the wind of them, which they could not afford to yield because of their inferior numbers.
Quite as heroic, but more fortunate in its issue, was the conduct of the other English admiral thus cut off; and the incidents of his struggle, although not specially instructive otherwise, are worth quoting, as giving a lively picture of the scenes which passed in the heat of the contests of those days, and afford coloring to otherwise dry details.
"Being in a short time completely disabled, one of the enemy's fire-ships grappled him on the starboard quarter; he was, however, freed by the almost incredible exertions of his lieutenant, who, having in the midst of the flames loosed the grappling-irons, swung back on board his own ship unhurt. The Dutch, bent on the destruction of this unfortunate ship, sent a second which grappled her on the larboard side, and with greater success than the former; for the sails instantly taking fire, the crew were so terrified that nearly 50 of them jumped overboard. The admiral, Sir John Harman, seeing this confusion, ran with his sword drawn among those who remained, and threatened with instant death the first man who should attempt to quit the ship, or should not exert himself to quench the flames. The crew then returned to their duty and got the fire under; but the rigging being a good deal burned, one of the topsail yards fell and broke Sir John's leg. In the midst of this accumulated distress, a third fire-ship prepared to grapple him, but was sunk by the guns before she could effect her purpose. The Dutch vice-admiral, Evertzen, now bore down to him and offered quarter; but Sir John replied, 'No, no, it is not come to that yet,' and giving him a broadside, killed the Dutch commander; after which the other enemies sheered off."
It is therefore not surprising that the account we have been following reported two English flag-ships lost, one by a fire-ship. "The English chief still continued on the port tack, and," says the writer, "as night fell we could see him proudly leading his line past the squadron of North Holland and Zealand [the actual rear, but proper van], which from noon up to that time had not been able to reach the enemy from their leewardly position."
The merit of Monck's attack as a piece of grand tactics is evident, and bears a strong resemblance to that of Nelson at the Nile. Discerning quickly the weakness of the Dutch order, he had attacked a vastly superior force in such a way that only part of it could come into action; and although the English lost more heavily, they carried off a brilliant prestige and must have left considerable depression and heart-burning among the Dutch.
Monck then had 35 ships well in hand; but the rear had opened and was straggling, as is apt to be the case with long columns. With the 35 he then put his helm up and ran down for Tromp, whose squadron cut their cables and made sail on the same tack (V'); the two engaged lines thus standing over toward the French coast, and the breeze heeling the ships so that the English could not use their lower-deck guns.
The Dutch center and rear also cut, and followed the movement, but being so far to leeward, could not for some time come into action.
It was during this time that a large Dutch ship, becoming separated from her own fleet, was set on fire and burned, doubtless the ship in which was Count de Guiche.
As they drew near Dunkirk the English went about, probably all together; for in the return to the northward and westward the proper English van fell in with and was roughly handled by the Dutch center under De Ruyter.
This fate would be more likely to befall the rear, and indicates that a simultaneous movement had reversed the order. The engaged ships had naturally lost to leeward, thus enabling De Ruyter to fetch up with them.
Two English flag-ships were here disabled and cut off; one, the "Swiftsure," hauled down her colors after the admiral, a young man of 27, was killed. "Highly to be admired," says a contemporary writer, "was the resolution of Vice-Admiral Berkeley, who, although cut off from the line, surrounded by enemies, great numbers of his men killed, his ship disabled and boarded on all sides, yet continued fighting almost alone, killed several with his own hand, and would accept no quarter; till at length, being shot in the throat with a musket-ball, he retired into the captain's cabin, where he was found dead, extended at his full length upon a table, and almost covered with his own blood."
The numbers of the two fleets were: English about 80 ships, the Dutch about 100; but the inequality in numbers was largely compensated by the greater size of many of the English.
A great strategic blunder by the government in London immediately preceded the fight. Charles II was informed that a French squadron was on its way from the Atlantic to join the Dutch. He at once divided his fleet, sending 20 ships under Prince Rupert to the westward to meet the French, while the remainder under Monck were to go east and oppose the Dutch.
A position like that of the English fleet, threatened with an attack from two quarters, presents one of the subtlest temptations to a commander. The impulse is very strong to meet both by dividing his own numbers as Charles did; but unless in possession of overwhelming force it is an error, exposing both divisions to be beaten separately, which, as we are about to see, actually happened in this case. The result of the first two days was disastrous to the larger English division under Monck, which was then obliged to retreat toward Rupert; and probably the opportune return of the latter alone saved the English fleet from a very serious loss, or at the least from being shut up in their own ports.
140 years later, in the exciting game of strategy that was played in the Bay of Biscay before Trafalgar, the English admiral Cornwallis made precisely the same blunder, dividing his fleet into two equal parts out of supporting distance, which Napoleon at the time characterized as a glaring piece of stupidity. The lesson is the same in all ages.
The Dutch had sailed for the English coast with a fair easterly wind, but it changed later to southwest with thick weather, and freshened, so that De Ruyter, to avoid being driven too far, came to anchor between Dunkirk and the Downs.
The fleet then rode with its head to the south-southwest and the van on the right; while Tromp, who commanded the rear division in the natural order, was on the left. For some cause this left was most to windward, the center squadron under De Ruyter being to leeward, and the right, or van, to leeward again of the center.
This was the position of the Dutch fleet at daylight of June 11, 1666; and although not expressly so stated, it is likely, from the whole tenor of the narratives, that it was not in good order.
The same morning Monck, who was also at anchor, made out the Dutch fleet to leeward, and although so inferior in numbers determined to attack at once, hoping that by keeping the advantage of the wind he would be able to commit himself only so far as might seem best.
Monck therefore stood along the Dutch line on the starboard tack, leaving the right and center out of cannon-shot, until he came abreast of the left, Tromp's squadron.
This gently-edited excerpt from The Project Gutenberg eBook, “The Influence of Sea Power Upon History, 1660-1783”, by A. T. Mahan and recommended by Ruben in 2008 may be an old book, but it is clear and interesting. http://www.gutenberg.org/files/13… Since it’s an eBook I think I’m free to copy and post.
I like it because it is written from the point-of-view of two eye witnesses (one French, one Dutch). They are not as hard on Monck as Pepys and the Diary would lead us to believe.
It’s worth remembering Macaulay's well-known saying: "There were seamen and there were gentlemen in the navy of Charles II; but the seamen were not gentlemen, and the gentlemen were not seamen." ### We come now to the justly celebrated Four Days' Battle of June 1666, which claims special notice, not only on account of the great number of ships engaged on either side, nor yet only for the extraordinary physical endurance of the men who kept up a hot naval action for so many successive days, but also because the commanders-in-chief on either side, Monck and De Ruyter, were the most distinguished seamen, or rather sea-commanders, brought forth by their respective countries in the 17th century.
Monck was possibly inferior to Blake in the annals of the English navy; but there is a general agreement that De Ruyter is the foremost figure, not only in the Dutch service, but among all the naval officers of that age.
The account about to be given is mainly taken from a recent number of the "Revue Maritime et Coloniale," and is there published as a letter, recently discovered, from a Dutch gentleman serving as volunteer on board De Ruyter's ship, to a friend in France.
The narrative is delightfully clear and probable --qualities not generally found in the description of those long-ago fights -- and the satisfaction it gave was increased by finding in the Memoirs of the Count de Guiche, who also served as volunteer in the fleet, and was taken to De Ruyter after his own vessel had been destroyed by a fire-ship, an account confirming the former in its principal details.
This additional pleasure was unhappily marred by recognizing certain phrases as common to both stories; and a comparison showed that the two could not be accepted as independent narratives. There are, however, points of internal difference which make it possible that the two accounts are by different eye-witnesses, who compared and corrected their versions before sending them out to their friends or writing them in their journals.
My understanding of "Thence to Lumbard Streete, and received 2000l., and carried it home: whereof 1000l. in gold. The greatest quantity not only that I ever had of gold, but that ever I saw together, and is not much above half a 100 lb. bag full, but is much weightier."
First, the punctuation is put in by the editor, so you can play with it if you have to.
I think he's saying he cashed in 2,000l. He took 1,000l. in gold (the most he has ever seen in one place). The gold only filled half a 100 lb. bag, but weighed more than 100 lbs.
I, too, wonder how he took the other 1,000l. If it were in silver, it would have been more bulky and much heavier. If in Tally Sticks, not so bad. Maybe a Letter of Credit, in which case it would fit into his money pocket (I presume men had such things for coins and tokens).
He must have had some muscle men with him ... can you imagine this little man lugging out the bags of coin, standing on the sidewalk to hail a cab, and load it up, alone? No way. As usual, I conclude that we don't have all the facts.
Pepys' lack of men friends is sad. He doesn't like or trust Creed -- with good reason. But who's opinion does he ask? Creed. When Creed was away and Pepys needed a riding companion for safety, he was reduced to asking William Joyce. Moving up in the world is lonely.
As of 1664, the office and residence of the Navy Treasurer, Sir George Carteret, was on Broad Street. This sounds like Carteret was home alone paying tickets. I don't think that sounds like a good idea at this time of potential unrest. And who was he paying? All hands should be on deck by now. On the other hand, as observed above, many of the troublemakers had been pressed.
Perhaps it is invasion Pepys and Carteret are fearing (with good cause, as it turns out).
Charles Beale's incredibly talented wife, Mary, painted the portraits of quite a few members of the Royal Society. Fear of the plague drove them from London in 1664, and they lived and worked in Hampshire for many years after that.
She is one of three 17th century female artists featured in an exhibition in London right now. This article includes pictures of some of their work:
"... I abroad to my Lord Treasurer’s ... while I staid there by appointment to have met my Lord Bellasses and Commissioners of Excise, but they did not meet me, he being abroad."
Wednesday 27 June 1666 I did this afternoon visit my Lord Bellasses, ... My Lord is going down to his garrison to Hull, by the King’s command, to put it in order for fear of an invasion which course I perceive is taken upon the sea-coasts round; for we have a real apprehension of the King of France’s invading us. https://www.pepysdiary.com/diary/…
Money seems to be the common denominator here. The Commissioners of Excise are not mentioned in our Encyclopedia, beyond John Ball (as of 1665) being their Treasurer, and Pepys mentions him 8 times, according to L&M.
Wikipedia says: "His or Her Majesty's Excise refers to 'inland' duties levied on articles at the time of their manufacture. Excise duty was first raised in England in 1643. Like HM Customs (a far older branch of the revenue services), the Excise was administered by a Board of Commissioners who were accountable to the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury. While 'HM Revenue of Excise' was a phrase used in early legislation to refer to this form of duty, the body tasked with its collection and general administration was usually known as the Excise Office."
There's more about the 17th century organization specifically, but nothing about Pepys' years besides it being levied on beer and made a permanent thing whereas before it was a temporary taxation. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/HM_…
One guess is that Belasyse was supposed to raise some revenue. But why was Pepys there? He only spends money. Presumably the local ships will be pressed into service to defend Hull. Perhaps Belasyse is going to give Pepys a Wish List? I wish we knew. Maybe tomorrow?
"... At noon dined at home, Balty’s wife with us, and in very good humor I was and merry at dinner, and after dinner a song or two, and so I abroad to my Lord Treasurer’s (sending my sister home by the coach), ..."
From "Balty's wife" to "my sister" in one paragraph. He was in good humor, and must have enjoyed those songs. And he felt rich enough to pay for her coach home as well. I suspect Esther worked hard for this acceptance.
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Second Reading
About Tuesday 10 July 1666
San Diego Sarah • Link
"I to the Tower to speak with Sir John Robinson about business, principally the bad condition of the pressed men for want of clothes, so it is represented from the fleete, and so to provide them shirts and stockings and drawers."
Why did Pepys go to the Keeper of the Tower of London to get clothing for the impressed seamen? According to the Wikipedia entry in our Encyclopedia, Robinson had been a member of, and Master of, the Honorable Company of the Clothworkers in 1656.
Pepys may have described Robinson as one of the ‘fools’ about the Duke of York, and Robinson was probably ‘not so wise as King Solomon’, but his achievements were none the less genuine, and he was a wealthy Royalist who knew how to raise money and get things done.
An account of the aldermen of London prepared for Charles II described him as, "most industrious in the civil government of the City, watchful to prevent anything that might reflect any prejudice or dishonour upon the King’s Government, happy in dispatch of business, to the great contentment of the people."
Since Pepys had no money, needed clothing delivered in a hurry (the ordering of which was probably outside the purview of either of his official positions), then Robinson was a good person to talk it over with. Pepys has authorized payment for "slops" before -- but in this case he has no official requests from pursers with sizes and quantities attached by the sound of it.
About Tuesday 23 June 1668
San Diego Sarah • Link
For Pepys Diary purposes, it should be noted the Dutch abandoned the place in 1663 ... but for that century, the Dutch ruled the whale trade, supplying most of Europe with oil for lamps and whale bones for corsets and hoop-skirts. The Dutch navy safeguarded sailing routes against English, German, and French interlopers as Dutch whalers asserted exclusive rights to the best hunting grounds in the Arctic. The resulting near-monopoly allowed Dutch companies to keep prices artificially high and further gild their coffers.
The legacy of this Dutch Golden Age is recorded in maritime words like “maelstrom”, “skipper”, “cruise”, “iceberg” and “walrus”.
About Tuesday 23 June 1668
San Diego Sarah • Link
Whaling fleets and sperm whale oil:
Of course, the Dutch had a monopoly on the market! In 1619 they had opened a summer camp which finally grew to about 15 buildings and 200 people just outside the arctic circle, and there they rendered the whales so the blubber could be sent back to the Netherlands for distribution.
The whales must have caught on, so by the 1640's they had changed their swimming habits and stayed out to sea.
For a wonderful example of "fake news" and how stories grow, plus the early history of whaling, see
https://publicdomainreview.org/20…
About Tuesday 1 December 1663
San Diego Sarah • Link
In 1601, by statute 43 Eliza. I, c. 12, the first insurance commissioners in England were established “to hear and determine policies of assurance made among merchants.”
About Bottomry
San Diego Sarah • Link
In 1601, by statute 43 Eliza. I, c. 12, the first insurance commissioners in England were established “to hear and determine policies of assurance made among merchants.”
About Four Days Battle
San Diego Sarah • Link
The Dutch government, averse to expense, unmilitary in its tone, and incautious from long and easy victory over the degenerate navy of Spain, had allowed its fleet to sink into a mere assembly of armed merchant-men.
Things were at their worst in the days of Cromwell.
Taught by the severe lessons of that war, the United Provinces, under an able ruler, had done much to mend matters, but full efficiency had not yet been gained.
"In 1666 as in 1653," says a French naval writer, "the fortune of war seemed to lean to the side of the English. Of the three great battles fought two were decided victories; and the third, although adverse, had but increased the glory of her seamen. This was due to the intelligent boldness of Monck and Rupert, the talents of part of the admirals and captains, and the skill of the seamen and soldiers under them. The wise and vigorous efforts made by the government of the United Provinces, and the undeniable superiority of De Ruyter in experience and genius over any one of his opponents, could not compensate for the weakness or incapacity of part of the Dutch officers, and the manifest inferiority of the men under their orders."
England, as has been said before, still felt the impress of Cromwell's iron hand upon her military institutions; but that impress was growing weaker.
Before the third Anglo-Dutch war, Monck was dead, and was poorly replaced by the cavalier Rupert. Court extravagance cut down the equipment of the navy as did the burgomaster's parsimony, and court corruption undermined discipline as surely as commercial indifference.
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There's so much more ... I recommend you read it for yourself.
About Four Days Battle
San Diego Sarah • Link
"Thus in less than no time we found ourselves in the midst of the English; who, being attacked on both sides, were thrown into confusion and saw their whole order destroyed, as well by dint of the action, as by the strong wind that was then blowing. This was the hottest of the fight. We saw the high admiral of England separated from his fleet, followed only by one fire-ship. With that he gained to windward, and passing through the North Holland squadron, placed himself again at the head of 15 or 20 ships that rallied to him."
Thus ended this great sea-fight, the most remarkable, in some of its aspects, that has ever been fought upon the ocean.
Amid conflicting reports it is not possible to do more than estimate the results. A fairly impartial account says: "The States lost in these actions three vice-admirals, 2,000 men, and four ships. The loss of the English was 5,000 killed and 3,000 prisoners; and they lost besides 17 ships, of which nine remained in the hands of the victors."
There is no doubt that the English had much the worst of it, and that this was owing wholly to the original blunder of weakening the fleet by a great detachment sent in another direction.
Great detachments are sometimes necessary evils, but in this case no necessity existed. Granting the approach of the French, the proper course for the English was to fall with their whole fleet upon the Dutch before their allies could come up. This lesson is as applicable today as it ever was.
A second lesson, likewise of present application, is the necessity of sound military institutions for implanting correct military feeling, pride, and discipline. Great as was the first blunder of the English, and serious as was the disaster, there can be no doubt that the consequences would have been much worse but for the high spirit and skill with which the plans of Monck were carried out by his subordinates, and the lack of similar support to De Ruyter on the part of the Dutch subalterns.
In the movements of the English, we hear nothing of two juniors turning tail at a critical moment, nor of a third, with misdirected ardor, getting on the wrong
side of the enemy's fleet. Their drill also, their tactical precision, was remarked even then.
The Frenchman De Guiche, after witnessing this Four Days' Fight, wrote:
"Nothing equals the beautiful order of the English at sea. Never was a line drawn straighter than that formed by their ships; thus they bring all their fire to bear upon those who draw near them. ... They fight like a line of cavalry which is handled according to rule, and applies itself solely to force back those who oppose; whereas the Dutch advance like cavalry whose squadrons leave their ranks and come separately to the charge."
About Four Days Battle
San Diego Sarah • Link
The third day Monck continued retreating to the westward. He burned, by the English accounts, three disabled ships, sent ahead those that were most crippled, and brought up the rear himself with those that were in fighting condition, which are variously stated, again by the English, at 28 and 16 in number (June 13).
One of the largest and finest of the English fleet, the "Royal Prince," of 90 guns, ran aground on the Galloper Shoal and was taken by Tromp; but Monck's retreat was so steady and orderly that he was otherwise unmolested. This shows that the Dutch had suffered severely.
Toward evening Rupert's squadron was seen; and all the ships of the English fleet, except those crippled in action, were at last united.
The next day the wind came out again very fresh from the southwest, giving the Dutch the weather-gage. The English, instead of attempting to pass upon opposite tacks, came up from astern relying upon the speed and handiness of their ships.
So doing, the battle engaged all along the line on the port tack, the English to leeward.
The Dutch fire-ships were badly handled and did no harm, whereas the English burned two of their enemies.
The two fleets ran on thus, exchanging broadsides for two hours, at the end of which time the bulk of the English fleet had passed through the Dutch line.
All regularity of order was henceforward lost. "At this moment," says the eye-witness, "the lookout was extraordinary, for all were separated, the English as
well as we. But luck would have it that the largest of our fractions surrounding the admiral remained to windward, and the largest fraction of the English, also with their admiral, remained to leeward. This was the cause of our victory and their ruin.
Our admiral had with him 35 or 40 ships of his own and of other squadrons, for the squadrons were scattered and order much lost.
The rest of the Dutch ships had left him. The leader of the van, Van Ness, had gone off with 14 ships in chase of three or four English ships, which under a press of sail had gained to windward of the Dutch van.
Van Tromp with the rear squadron had fallen to leeward, and so had to keep on [to leeward of De Ruyter and the English main body] after Van Ness, in order to rejoin the admiral by passing round the English centre."
De Ruyter and the English main body kept up a sharp action, beating to windward all the time.
Van Tromp, having carried sail, overtook Van Ness, and returned bringing the van back with him; but owing to the constant plying to windward of the English main body he came up to leeward of it and could not rejoin De Ruyter, who was to windward.
De Ruyter, seeing this, made signal to the ships around him, and the main body of the Dutch kept away before the wind, which was then very strong.
About Four Days Battle
San Diego Sarah • Link
Both the action of Tromp and that of the junior flag-officers in the van, although showing different degrees of warlike ardor, bring out strongly the lack of subordination and of military feeling which has been charged against the Dutch officers as a body; no signs of which appear among the English at this time.
How keenly De Ruyter felt the conduct of his lieutenants was manifested when "Tromp, immediately after this partial action, went on board his flagship. The seamen cheered him; but De Ruyter said, 'This is no time for rejoicing, but rather for tears.'
“Indeed, our position was bad, each squadron acting differently, in no line, and all the ships huddled together like a flock of sheep, so packed that the English might have surrounded all of them with their 40 ships.
“The English were in admirable order, but did not push their advantage as they should, whatever the reason."
The reason no doubt was the same that often prevented sailing-ships from pressing an advantage -- disability from crippled spars and rigging, added to the inexpediency of such inferior numbers risking a decisive action.
De Ruyter was thus able to draw his fleet out into line again, although much maltreated by the English, and the two fleets passed again on opposite tacks, the Dutch to leeward, and De Ruyter's ship the last in his column.
As he passed the English rear, De Ruyter lost his maintopmast and mainyard. After another partial rencounter the English drew away to the northwest toward their own shores, the Dutch following them; the wind being still from southwest, but light.
The English were now fairly in retreat, and the pursuit continued all night, De Ruyter's own ship dropping out of sight in the rear from her crippled state.
About Four Days Battle
San Diego Sarah • Link
The eye-witness goes on: "The affair continued until ten P.M., friends and foes mixed together and as likely to receive injury from one as from the other. It will be remarked that the success of the day and the misfortunes of the English came from their being too much scattered, too extended in their line; but for which we could never have cut off a corner of them, as we did.
“The mistake of Monck was in not keeping his ships better together;" that is, closed up. The remark is just, the criticism scarcely so; the opening out of the line was almost unavoidable in so long a column of sailing-ships, and was one of the chances taken by Monck when he offered battle.
The English stood off on the port tack to the west or west-northwest, and next day returned to the fight. The Dutch were now on the port tack in natural order, the right leading, and were to windward; but the enemy, being more weatherly and better disciplined, soon gained the advantage of the wind.
The English this day had 44 ships in action, the Dutch about 80; many of the English, as before said, larger. The two fleets passed on opposite tacks, the English to windward; but Tromp, in the rear, seeing that the Dutch order of battle was badly formed, the ships in two or three lines, overlapping and so masking each other's fire, went about and gained to windward of the enemy's van; which he was able to do from the length of the line, and because the English, running parallel to the Dutch order, were off the wind.
"At this moment two flag-officers of the Dutch van kept broad off, presenting their sterns to the English. De Ruyter, greatly astonished, tried to stop them, but in vain, and therefore felt obliged to imitate the maneuver in order to keep his squadron together; but he did so with some order, keeping some ships around him, and was joined by one of the van ships, disgusted with the conduct of his immediate superior.
Tromp was now in great danger, separated [by his own act first and then by the conduct of the van] from his own fleet by the English, and would have been destroyed but for De Ruyter, who, seeing the urgency of the case, hauled up for him," the van and center thus standing back for the rear on the opposite tack to that on which they entered action.
This prevented the English from keeping up the attack on Tromp, lest De Ruyter should gain the wind of them, which they could not afford to yield because of their inferior numbers.
About Four Days Battle
San Diego Sarah • Link
Quite as heroic, but more fortunate in its issue, was the conduct of the other English admiral thus cut off; and the incidents of his struggle, although not specially instructive otherwise, are worth quoting, as giving a lively picture of the scenes which passed in the heat of the contests of those days, and afford coloring to otherwise dry details.
"Being in a short time completely disabled, one of the enemy's fire-ships grappled him on the starboard quarter; he was, however, freed by the almost incredible exertions of his lieutenant, who, having in the midst of the flames loosed the grappling-irons, swung back on board his own ship unhurt. The Dutch, bent on the destruction of this unfortunate ship, sent a second which grappled her on the larboard side, and with greater success than the former; for the sails instantly taking fire, the crew were so terrified that nearly 50 of them jumped overboard. The admiral, Sir John Harman, seeing this confusion, ran with his sword drawn among those who remained, and threatened with instant death the first man who should attempt to quit the ship, or should not exert himself to quench the flames. The crew then returned to their duty and got the fire under; but the rigging being a good deal burned, one of the topsail yards fell and broke Sir John's leg. In the midst of this accumulated distress, a third fire-ship prepared to grapple him, but was sunk by the guns before she could effect her purpose. The Dutch vice-admiral, Evertzen, now bore down to him and offered quarter; but Sir John replied, 'No, no, it is not come to that yet,' and giving him a broadside, killed the Dutch commander; after which the other enemies sheered off."
It is therefore not surprising that the account we have been following reported two English flag-ships lost, one by a fire-ship. "The English chief still continued on the port tack, and," says the writer, "as night fell we could see him proudly leading his line past the squadron of North Holland and Zealand [the actual rear, but proper van], which from noon up to that time had not been able to reach the enemy from their leewardly position."
The merit of Monck's attack as a piece of grand tactics is evident, and bears a strong resemblance to that of Nelson at the Nile. Discerning quickly the weakness of the Dutch order, he had attacked a vastly superior force in such a way that only part of it could come into action; and although the English lost more heavily, they carried off a brilliant prestige and must have left considerable depression and heart-burning among the Dutch.
About Four Days Battle
San Diego Sarah • Link
Monck then had 35 ships well in hand; but the rear had opened and was straggling, as is apt to be the case with long columns. With the 35 he then put his helm up and ran down for Tromp, whose squadron cut their cables and made sail on the same tack (V'); the two engaged lines thus standing over toward the French coast, and the breeze heeling the ships so that the English could not use their lower-deck guns.
The Dutch center and rear also cut, and followed the movement, but being so far to leeward, could not for some time come into action.
It was during this time that a large Dutch ship, becoming separated from her own fleet, was set on fire and burned, doubtless the ship in which was Count de Guiche.
As they drew near Dunkirk the English went about, probably all together; for in the return to the northward and westward the proper English van fell in with and was roughly handled by the Dutch center under De Ruyter.
This fate would be more likely to befall the rear, and indicates that a simultaneous movement had reversed the order. The engaged ships had naturally lost to leeward, thus enabling De Ruyter to fetch up with them.
Two English flag-ships were here disabled and cut off; one, the "Swiftsure," hauled down her colors after the admiral, a young man of 27, was killed. "Highly to be admired," says a contemporary writer, "was the resolution of Vice-Admiral Berkeley, who, although cut off from the line, surrounded by enemies, great numbers of his men killed, his ship disabled and boarded on all sides, yet continued fighting almost alone, killed several with his own hand, and would accept no quarter; till at length, being shot in the throat with a musket-ball, he retired into the captain's cabin, where he was found dead, extended at his full length upon a table, and almost covered with his own blood."
About Four Days Battle
San Diego Sarah • Link
The numbers of the two fleets were: English about 80 ships, the Dutch about 100; but the inequality in numbers was largely compensated by the greater size of many of the English.
A great strategic blunder by the government in London immediately preceded the fight. Charles II was informed that a French squadron was on its way from the Atlantic to join the Dutch. He at once divided his fleet, sending 20 ships under Prince Rupert to the westward to meet the French, while the remainder under Monck were to go east and oppose the Dutch.
A position like that of the English fleet, threatened with an attack from two quarters, presents one of the subtlest temptations to a commander. The impulse is very strong to meet both by dividing his own numbers as Charles did; but unless in possession of overwhelming force it is an error, exposing both divisions to be beaten separately, which, as we are about to see, actually happened in this case. The result of the first two days was disastrous to the larger English division under Monck, which was then obliged to retreat toward Rupert; and probably the opportune return of the latter alone saved the English fleet from a very serious loss, or at the least from being shut up in their own ports.
140 years later, in the exciting game of strategy that was played in the Bay of Biscay before Trafalgar, the English admiral Cornwallis made precisely the same blunder, dividing his fleet into two equal parts out of supporting distance, which Napoleon at the time characterized as a glaring piece of stupidity. The lesson is the same in all ages.
The Dutch had sailed for the English coast with a fair easterly wind, but it changed later to southwest with thick weather, and freshened, so that De Ruyter, to avoid being driven too far, came to anchor between Dunkirk and the Downs.
The fleet then rode with its head to the south-southwest and the van on the right; while Tromp, who commanded the rear division in the natural order, was on the left. For some cause this left was most to windward, the center squadron under De Ruyter being to leeward, and the right, or van, to leeward again of the center.
This was the position of the Dutch fleet at daylight of June 11, 1666; and although not expressly so stated, it is likely, from the whole tenor of the narratives, that it was not in good order.
The same morning Monck, who was also at anchor, made out the Dutch fleet to leeward, and although so inferior in numbers determined to attack at once, hoping that by keeping the advantage of the wind he would be able to commit himself only so far as might seem best.
Monck therefore stood along the Dutch line on the starboard tack, leaving the right and center out of cannon-shot, until he came abreast of the left, Tromp's squadron.
About Four Days Battle
San Diego Sarah • Link
This gently-edited excerpt from The Project Gutenberg eBook, “The Influence of Sea Power Upon History, 1660-1783”, by A. T. Mahan and recommended by Ruben in 2008 may be an old book, but it is clear and interesting.
http://www.gutenberg.org/files/13…
Since it’s an eBook I think I’m free to copy and post.
I like it because it is written from the point-of-view of two eye witnesses (one French, one Dutch). They are not as hard on Monck as Pepys and the Diary would lead us to believe.
It’s worth remembering Macaulay's well-known saying: "There were seamen and there were gentlemen in the navy of Charles II; but the seamen were not gentlemen, and the gentlemen were not seamen."
###
We come now to the justly celebrated Four Days' Battle of June 1666, which claims special notice, not only on account of the great number of ships engaged on either side, nor yet only for the extraordinary physical endurance of the men who kept up a hot naval action for so many successive days, but also because the commanders-in-chief on either side, Monck and De Ruyter, were the most distinguished seamen, or rather sea-commanders, brought forth by their respective countries in the 17th century.
Monck was possibly inferior to Blake in the annals of the English navy; but there is a general agreement that De Ruyter is the foremost figure, not only in the Dutch service, but among all the naval officers of that age.
The account about to be given is mainly taken from a recent number of the "Revue Maritime et Coloniale," and is there published as a letter, recently
discovered, from a Dutch gentleman serving as volunteer on board De Ruyter's ship, to a friend in France.
The narrative is delightfully clear and probable --qualities not generally found in the description of those long-ago fights -- and the satisfaction it gave was increased by finding in the Memoirs of the Count de Guiche, who also served as volunteer in the fleet, and was taken to De Ruyter after his own vessel had been destroyed by a fire-ship, an account confirming the former in its principal details.
This additional pleasure was unhappily marred by recognizing certain phrases as common to both stories; and a comparison showed that the two could not be accepted as independent narratives. There are, however, points of internal difference which make it possible that the two accounts are by different eye-witnesses, who compared and corrected their versions before sending them out to their friends or writing them in their journals.
About Friday 6 July 1666
San Diego Sarah • Link
My understanding of "Thence to Lumbard Streete, and received 2000l., and carried it home: whereof 1000l. in gold. The greatest quantity not only that I ever had of gold, but that ever I saw together, and is not much above half a 100 lb. bag full, but is much weightier."
First, the punctuation is put in by the editor, so you can play with it if you have to.
I think he's saying he cashed in 2,000l. He took 1,000l. in gold (the most he has ever seen in one place). The gold only filled half a 100 lb. bag, but weighed more than 100 lbs.
I, too, wonder how he took the other 1,000l. If it were in silver, it would have been more bulky and much heavier. If in Tally Sticks, not so bad. Maybe a Letter of Credit, in which case it would fit into his money pocket (I presume men had such things for coins and tokens).
He must have had some muscle men with him ... can you imagine this little man lugging out the bags of coin, standing on the sidewalk to hail a cab, and load it up, alone? No way. As usual, I conclude that we don't have all the facts.
About Saturday 7 July 1666
San Diego Sarah • Link
Pepys' lack of men friends is sad. He doesn't like or trust Creed -- with good reason. But who's opinion does he ask? Creed. When Creed was away and Pepys needed a riding companion for safety, he was reduced to asking William Joyce. Moving up in the world is lonely.
About Friday 6 July 1666
San Diego Sarah • Link
As of 1664, the office and residence of the Navy Treasurer, Sir George Carteret, was on Broad Street. This sounds like Carteret was home alone paying tickets. I don't think that sounds like a good idea at this time of potential unrest. And who was he paying? All hands should be on deck by now. On the other hand, as observed above, many of the troublemakers had been pressed.
Perhaps it is invasion Pepys and Carteret are fearing (with good cause, as it turns out).
About Charles Beale
San Diego Sarah • Link
Charles Beale's incredibly talented wife, Mary, painted the portraits of quite a few members of the Royal Society. Fear of the plague drove them from London in 1664, and they lived and worked in Hampshire for many years after that.
She is one of three 17th century female artists featured in an exhibition in London right now. This article includes pictures of some of their work:
https://www.apollo-magazine.com/a…
About Tuesday 3 July 1666
San Diego Sarah • Link
"... I abroad to my Lord Treasurer’s ... while I staid there by appointment to have met my Lord Bellasses and Commissioners of Excise, but they did not meet me, he being abroad."
Wednesday 27 June 1666
I did this afternoon visit my Lord Bellasses, ... My Lord is going down to his garrison to Hull, by the King’s command, to put it in order for fear of an invasion which course I perceive is taken upon the sea-coasts round; for we have a real apprehension of the King of France’s invading us. https://www.pepysdiary.com/diary/…
Money seems to be the common denominator here. The Commissioners of Excise are not mentioned in our Encyclopedia, beyond John Ball (as of 1665) being their Treasurer, and Pepys mentions him 8 times, according to L&M.
Wikipedia says: "His or Her Majesty's Excise refers to 'inland' duties levied on articles at the time of their manufacture. Excise duty was first raised in England in 1643. Like HM Customs (a far older branch of the revenue services), the Excise was administered by a Board of Commissioners who were accountable to the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury. While 'HM Revenue of Excise' was a phrase used in early legislation to refer to this form of duty, the body tasked with its collection and general administration was usually known as the Excise Office."
There's more about the 17th century organization specifically, but nothing about Pepys' years besides it being levied on beer and made a permanent thing whereas before it was a temporary taxation.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/HM_…
One guess is that Belasyse was supposed to raise some revenue. But why was Pepys there? He only spends money. Presumably the local ships will be pressed into service to defend Hull. Perhaps Belasyse is going to give Pepys a Wish List? I wish we knew. Maybe tomorrow?
About Tuesday 3 July 1666
San Diego Sarah • Link
"... At noon dined at home, Balty’s wife with us, and in very good humor I was and merry at dinner, and after dinner a song or two, and so I abroad to my Lord Treasurer’s (sending my sister home by the coach), ..."
From "Balty's wife" to "my sister" in one paragraph. He was in good humor, and must have enjoyed those songs. And he felt rich enough to pay for her coach home as well. I suspect Esther worked hard for this acceptance.